A few good links.....???

Here's list of links to several good quality articles on recent political developments in Sri Lanka. The main focus of all the articles is the forthcoming presidential election. It is bound to be a tough game, which is good. In a democratic system, a powerful opposition is a major necessity for the maintenance of balance.

1. Sri Lanka : Fonseka v/s Rajapakse, un match électoral serré sur fond de fermeture de camps focuses on the situation of displaced ethnic Tamils in Northern Sri Lanka (Vanni and further north), and evaluates the current political situation by looking at the profiles of both 'major' candidates and their (so-far stated) stances on ethnic politics

2. Rajapaksa vs Fonseka: Tweedledum vs Tweedledee? Another insightful analysis on ethnic politics and the two main candidates

3. In defense of the JVP campaign to support Sarath Fonseka insightful reflection on the Marxist JVP (the leftist third voice in Sri Lankan politics) stance on the forthcoming Presidential polls, and its decision to support the candidacy of Gen. Sarath Fonseka. 

4. GENERAL FONSEKA AS THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER OF FUTURE SRI LANKA thought-provoking reading of the current situation and new developments


5. Highly insightful article on the two main presidential hopefuls by a prominent Sri Lankan journalist

Needless to say that I'll continue to update the list as days drag on and competition gets tougher and tougher....
 
Peace,
 
Chaminda

Zurich Conference of Ethnic Minority Legislators???

It has been reported that a number of Tamil and Muslim political parties with conflicting ideologies and political agendas are currently meeting in Zurich, for a round-table discussion on the ethnic factor in Sri Lankan politics. An extensive article published today on Tamilnet, the only document I found on the web reporting the event, highlights the challenge of accomodating conflicting aspirations in the effort to seek a just political solution to the ethnic question.

The parties meeting in Zurich represent a mosaic of ethnic minority political representation in contemporary Sri Lanka. They include Tamil and Muslim parties, with varying readings of the ethnic question. While some uphold what can be described as an essentially Tamil nationalist stance, with a clear demand for quasi-federal extensive political autonomy to the Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka, others view the question through different parameters. I am reminded of a conference held in Colombo in 2002, when Hurst Hannum, author of one of the best known books on self-determination (entitled Autonomy, Sovereignty and Self-Determination), visited Sri Lanka. The event was organised by the Berghof Foundation for Constructive Conflict Management in Colombo (the office where Dr Norbert Ropers was chairman, which was closed down in 2006). When the audience was opened for questions, a Muslim participant made a remark that the Muslim community of Sri Lanka had been virtually 'circumcised' from the Norwegian-facilitated peace initiative of 2002. It is necessary that the Tamil and Mulsim political groups meet and discuss their perceptions, policies and prospects in relation to ethnic politics and Sri Lankan politics at large.

Diversity in a community is definitely an 'enriching' factor, and Sri Lankan leaders need to find new and innovative ways of celebrating the diversity of our land. This is a quintessential challenge that would determine the progress of a young nation with tremendous potential and plenty of young talent, waiting to be exploited for the benefit of das Vaterland.

In memorium: Nimal Dayaratne WEERAWARDHANA (1939-2009)

Above: blurred beautiful memories: Chandra and Nimal WEERAWARDHANA in the compound of the Tirukoneshwaram Temple, just above the infamous 'Lovers' Leap', Trincomalee, Eastern Sri Lanka, with a fantastic view of the Indian Ocean in the background, Easter 2002 (Photo: Weerawardhana personal collection)

A period of exactly three months have passed since his demise. He was critically ill for about a month, and he passed away in the afternoon of 17 August 2009. Many people knew him as a down-to-earth ordinary man, who led the life of a common man. I knew him as my father.

Nimal Dayaratne WEERAWARDHANA was born on 7 December 1939 in Napotawela, in the rural recesses of the Nuwara-Eliya district of Sri Lanka. Having completed his secondary education in the region of his birth, he moved on to work for the Bank of Ceylon (BoC) at an early stage of his youth. BoC was where he spent over thirty years of his professional life as a bank officer. When he retired from BoC in 1999, he returned home with praises from many of his colleagues and with little savings. In professional life, he was never an ambitious individual. As other officers of his level and experience did their level best to gain perks, promotions, earn as much as they can, and build luxury homes, Nimal never bothered with anything of this nature. Until he passed on, he lived in a small house he built with Chandra, his wife, which she inherited from her maternal grandmother in Medamahanuwara.

I primarily remember him for his soft and approachable nature, and for his discreet manners. It was rarely that he would talk loudly, or get angry. He was an extremely patient individual, and at times, his patience and good-natured manners were ‘exploited’ by certain individuals for their profit and his detriment. This was an issue I took offence against, and it had occurred to me to argue with him of the issue at several occasions. Any persuasion from my behalf would be of no avail, and he continued to tolerate even the most hideous of individuals.

He was a man with an extraordinary sense of generosity. Having grown up in a rural household, he knew what poverty and little means meant, and was always prepared to help those in need. Anyone who visited him in search of help would be helped in the best possible manner. He harboured a deep affection towards the poor, and was highly conscious of the socioeconomic and class differences that characterise Sri Lankan society. He believed in the creation of a society of equality, where all individuals would be placed on an equal level, not subject to subordination. His political views can be best described as ‘socialist’.

A key characteristic of Nimal that had a lasting impact on my life was his love of books and reading. He would spend large amounts of money on new and second hand books, back copies of offprint magazines and other printed material. He was a subscriber of the Reader’s Digest and several other international magazines and periodicals. At one stage, the list also included a magazine called ‘China’ an English language publication of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. When I was in high school, he used to buy ALL the Sunday newspapers in Sinhala and English, and the whole house was full of stacks of old newspapers. He would sit for hours and read, read and read on.

Over the last month of his life, Chandra, herself well into her late sixties, had a hard time looking after him, and in seeing to his needs. It was yet another test for a woman who had confronted the most violent incidents one could face in life: the tragic loss of a beloved mother at the age of 21, ensuing family problems and incessant challenges. Despite the blow of loosing her partner after thirty-three years of shared life, she prevails, with a high sense of courage and determination. Given her own life experience, the best of lessons she could teach her students is that of ‘perseverance'.

Sri Lankan Buddhist traditions call for a religious ceremony of remembrance at the third month anniversary of the dead. This will be held in Nimal and Chandra’s private residence during the weekend of 20-21 November 2009. As three months have exactly passed since the day he passed on, I am reminded of a good man who never bothered about any problem, who lived his life the way he wanted. Was he satisfied of what he achieved? I do not have answers to that question. Nevertheless, I am convinced that he is now in a better place than anyone else around him, in terms of all three religious traditions towards which I harbour a profound sense of affinity: Buddhist, Christian and Baha’i.

As life moves on, days pass by and new weeks, months, and years unfold, he will be remembered, missed, talked about, and enlivened in the minds of those who knew his spirit.

  

New Chairman for Channel 04...

The Lord Burns of Pitshanger, the former Permanent Secretary to Her Majesty's Treasury and (former) chairperson of Marks & Spencer, is to be appointed new Chairman of Britain's Channel 04. Lord Burns is known as a man with high capabilities, notably in managing the trickiest situations in the political and corporate world. He is currently the chairperson of Abbey, owned by the Spanish banking firm Santander. Lord Burns was raised to peerage in 1998.

An article published in The Times on the appointment is available here.

The offical profile of Lords Burns in the House of Lords website is available here (both links accessed Wednesday 03 November 2009).

Wee note on a razor-sharp political analysis.....

This evening, I had the pleasure of reading an article by Chandraratna Bandara, published in Lanka News Web, a trilingual Sri Lankan news website. I can doubtlessly affirm that this is the most consistent piece of analytical writing I have read in Sinhala in a good while. The writer addresses the issue of professionals in other fields entering active politics. Present-day political debates in Sri Lanka are marked by a high degree of interest and intrigue over the apparently imminent entry of a senior military official into active politics. The author of the said article cogently explains the necessity of having specialists in politics, i.e. professionals in politics (and not of other fields - despite their proven excellence in their respective fields) in active politics. The argument can indeed be debated, but the point made by Mr Bandara is an extremely thought-provoking one, and deserves the attention of the wider public in every democratic nation.

The writer attributes the larger portion of political blunders committed by politicians to them not being professionals in politics. Indeed, many leaders around the world today are professionals in other fields, who have entered active politics due to many reasons. In any case, this article provides critically spicy food for thought to readers- and can be considered as an eye-opening piece of writing for the wider Sinhala readership - given the decisive 'political times' Sri Lankans are living at the moment.

New interview with Dr Dayan Jayatilleka

A few hours ago, I read an interview with Dr Dayan Jayatilleka, conducted by Rathindra Kuruwita. The version I read was published on Transcurrents. I find it an interesting rendering of recollections about Jayatilleka's personal life, political and diplomatic engagements. Evocations of his experiences with politics of devolution and leftist politics in Sri Lanka provide valuable insights into anyone interested in these issues. A man who discovered Marxist writings at an early stage of life, Jayatilleka developed a multi-faceted career as a political activist, (for a brief period) politician, diplomat, lecturer and public intellectual. He is also the author of several articles and books on subjects ranging from devolution experiences in Sri Lanka to the 'political thought' of Fidel Castro.

Reading through the interview, I was left with the impression that even greater contributions from Jayatilleka are to be expected in future. I'm convinced that many a Conflictresearch reader will enjoy reading this interview.

Photo de la semaine/Snapshot of the week

Joueuse de la harpe au bord de la rue : les sons furent magnifiques, et l’ambiance : invraisemblable…..la ville de la jeunesse éternelle, 2009 (Photo: collection personnelle - TOUTE REPRODUCTION INTERDITE).

Quelques références sur une note précédente....

Voici quelques références pour complémenter ma note précédente sur les questions de racisme en Irlande du Nord:

1. Un article paru sur BBC News channel en juin dernier sur les attaques qui visaient les roumains.

2. Le rapport d'un travail de recherche (élaboré par l'University of Ulster) sur le racisme en Irlande du Nord, publié en 2001, mais les points-clés restent toujours d'actualité....

3. Un communiqué de presse qui évoque la question, publié en début juillet 2009.

4. Un autre article sur la même question, publié sur internet en avril 2009.

Je tâcherai à publier d'autres notes sur la question de racisme dans la province du nord, au "Sri Lanka" de l'Europe...ces questions de racisme me rappellent sans cesse les difficultés qu'affrontent mes compatriotes tamouls au nord du Sri Lanka depuis des décennies. Tant que ces problèmes restent non-adressés par les instances étatiques de manière constructive, le développement économique et la transformation sociale  continueront à être très lents.

La culture 'Kaffir' à Sri Lanka

Un super travail vient d'être fait par M. Kannan Arunasalam: la réalisation d'un court métrage sur la communauté Kaffir à Sri Lanka. Les Kaffirs, ce sont les descendants des esclaves africains, amené à Sri Lanka par les colons occidentaux, par des vagues différentes d'immigration forcée, depuis le 16^e siècle. La quasi-totalité de Kaffirs sont originaires de l’Afrique de l’Est. Cette minuscule communauté, résidant dans la côte nord-ouest de l’île, possède leur propre culture et traditions. Leur créole à eux est en voie de disparition rapide, en raison de l’assimilation au cinghalais et au tamoul. Dans le court métrage, le réalisateur parle à une dame âgée de 82 ans, qui évoque son passé…selon elle, son arrière grand-père est arrivé de l’Afrique, et depuis, ils se sont intégrées à la communauté locale. On l’entend parler couramment singhalais et tamoul, une maîtrise linguistique parfaite que l’on observe chez peu de sri-lankais.

Depuis quelques années, la culture Kaffir vit une sorte de mini-rénaissance, avec un intérêt public croissant, surtout envers la musique des Kaffirs. Une jeune femme, ayant la trentaine, explique dans le court métrage qu’il y a certains groupes (agences de presse et autres) qui capitalisent sur leurs talents…On les invite à Colombo pour des performances, en leur promettant de l’argent après les séances, mais les sommes n’ont toujours pas été versées depuis des mois….Il est grand temps que l’état intervienne, pour faciliter les affaires de cette communauté, et pour aider les Kaffirs à mieux assumer leur citoyenneté, ce qui les encouragera (surtout la génération des jeunes) à jouer un rôle plus actif dans la vie sociopolitique du pays.

Une vidéo du court métrage de M. Arunasalam est accessible ici. 

On Racism in Northern Ireland

When reflecting on issues of racism in Northern Ireland, one can come out with a variety of explanations. Some may contend that it is a society in transition, and despite the presence of the 'R' problem, it is on the diminishing path, and the province is heading to become a cosmopolitan society. Some others may blame the British government's immigration policies. This criticism mainly concerns the 'non-white' immigrants, very often from non-EU states, who are easily identifiable from the local community. The paradox is that the majority of these recent immigrants are professionals, and are in NI to work for high profile firms. Many of them would live and work in the UK for a while, and then head towards greener pastures.

Another problem is the absence of incentives to promote the eradication of ethnic, religious and cultural prejudices in the local community. A considerable percentage of the younger generation tend to have rather derogatory views of people from certain continents, and some of them, notably young men in their mid/late teens, tend to display highly offensive behaviour towards members of ethnic minority groups. Even immigrants from the EU are not spared. The racist attacks of summer 2009 prompted a large number of Rumanian families to quit NI and head back home, in fear of further reprisals. Young women from ethnic minority groups tend to be spared of much of the abuse, largely as a consequence of the inherently 'sexist' mentality rampant among local youth. More than a commitment for mutual respect, it is a bleak vision of femininity that seems to produce this reaction.

If incidents of this nature are taking place in the present century, and that in an EU member state, it is a matter for utter shame and only deserves outright, categorical condemnation. It is upto the relevant authorities to hold workshops and awareness campaigns in schools, and higher instances like the EU can provide funding to organise trips for high schoolers to cosmopolitan European capitals, where demarcations of ethnicity do not generally constitute a discriminatory factor. All in all, it is a larger dose of broad-mindedness that the local community strongly requires at the present juncture of their history.

Entretien - analyse & compte rendu de qualité....

Voici un lien vers un entretien de Sanjana Hattotuwa, chercheur-spécialiste au Centre for Policy Alternatives (Colombo Sri Lanka) et modérateur de Groundviews, avec le Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka, ancien représentant permanent de la République Sri-Lankaise aux Nations Unies (Genève).

Dans cette entretien, M. Jayatilleka fait une analyse pointue de la situation politique actuelle à Sri Lanka, et les enjeux locaux et internationaux que l'île sera obligé d'affronter dans les mois à venir. Ses allusions aux exemples étrangers sont particulièrement marquantes. Lors de la visite officielle récente du Président de la République au Vietnam, M. Jayatilleka a été invité à faire partie de la délégation présidentielle, et l'invitation a été faite par le Président lui-même.

En exprimant son avis à un journaliste sri-lankais, Jayatilleka explique sa décision d'accepter l'offre: l'histoire politique tourmentée du Vietnam le passionne, et il a considéré l'offre du Président comme une occasion rarisime pour rendre visite aux lieux chargés d'histoire, notamment liés à la guerre du Vietnam. Les commentaires des lecteurs de l'article en question sont particulièrement intéressants. Ils démontrent un grand respect envers M. Jayatilleka et à ses contributions à la République durant son mandat d'ambassadeur (qui, je rappelle, a été terminé prématurément par le ministère d'affaires étrangères de Colombo).

Résolution d'urgence du parlement européen sur le Sri Lanka

Le parlement européen vient d'adopter une résolution d'urgence sur le Sri Lanka, qui prend en compte la situation politique actuelle, notamment des questions relatives aux conditions des citoyens tamouls dans les centres de détention dans la région de Vanni, questions de droits de l'homme et liberté d'expression.

Je me permets de citer ci-dessous le résumée de la résolution d’urgence en question, publié hier (22 octobre 2009) dans le site internet du service de presse du parlement européen :

Sri Lanka

Les députés déplorent que plus de 250 000 civils tamouls soient toujours maintenus dans des camps contrairement aux engagements du gouvernement de Colombo. La résolution demande un retour rapide de ces détenus. Les organisations humanitaires doivent pouvoir accéder librement aux camps afin de fournir l'assistance humanitaire nécessaire.

Les dirigeants tamouls doivent eux s'engager pour un règlement politique et renoncer au terrorisme et la violence. Le gouvernement sri-lankais doit de son côté respecter les droits de l'homme dans le cadre des procédures judiciaires à l'encontre des membres des LTTE, indique la résolution.

Le gouvernement sri-lankais doit cesser la répression qu'il mène contre les médias au nom de sa législation anti-terroriste qui doit être revue et la liberté de la presse doit être reconnue, insistent les députés.

Le nettoyage des champs de mines doit recevoir plus d'attention de la part du gouvernement sri-lankais. L'existence de ces champs constitue un sérieux obstacle à la reconstruction et au redémarrage économique de ce pays d'Asie du sud-est. Le gouvernement doit prendre des mesures pour adhérer au traité d'Ottawa (Convention sur l'interdiction de l'emploi, du stockage, de la production et du transfert des mines antipersonnel et sur leur destruction).

Photo de la semaine/Snapshot of the week

L'arbre de l'espoir...rempli de fruits de l'espoir bien mûrs/Tree of hope, well-endowed with ripe fruits of hope...(Photo: Personal collection)

Dianne Silva's interview with Vincent Brossel: insightful...

Those interested in media issues would be interested in an newly published interview by Dianne Silva, journalist at the Sri Lankan daily The Daily Mirror, with Mr Vincent Brossel, Asia director at Reporteurs Sans Frontieres (RSF) Paris. Mr Brossel has first hand experience on media issues in Sri Lanka, and has extensively written about the subject. As usual, Dianne's interview is highly comprehensive, and she covers a wide range of media-related issues, highlighting ongoing concerns on press freedom in Sri Lanka. The full interview is now available on the Daily Mirror website here.

Peace,

Chaminda

The 2009 Nobel Peace Prize on Groundviews

Yet another very interesting reading of the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize decision has just been published on Groundviews, the premier Sri Lankan citizen journalism initiative. The article, entitled 'The Nobel Peace Farce: President Obama' is written by a writer under the nom-de-plume 'The Under Dog'.

This article is bound to provoke a myriad of reader reactions.

Bonne lecture!!!

Photo de la semaine/Snapshot of the week 2

Chef d’œuvre de Daniel Liebskind, le musée juif de Berlin. La pièce photographiée vise à « faire sentir » aux visiteurs le chagrin des déportés dans les camps de concentration. Elle n’est jamais chauffée ni éclairée – sauf une petite goutte de lumière naturelle qui tombe en journée (Photo : collection personnelle) 

Barack Obama or Mahinda Rajapakse?

The most thought-provoking article I have come across so far about the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize is by Mr Jonathan Kay, a columnist at the Canadian newspaper National Post. In an article entitled 'Giving Barack Obama the Nobel Prize is ridiculous', Mr Kay notes that Mr Obama was awarded the prize for 'pretty words. He compares the Nobel Peace Prize selection committee to a 'debating club', and the act of selection to the selection of the best speaker in a speaking competition. The best speaker wins the prize and is praised all over....

Instead, Mr Kay notes that people like Sri Lanka's Mahinda Rajapakse have succeeded in eliminating a terrorist group and 'ending' a secessionist war that has taken over a hundred thousand lives. He obviously notes the rather sombre issues often raised over Mr Rajapakse's military strategy; little respect for human rights, development of partnerships with fascist dictatorial regimes like those in Myanmar, Libya etc., not giving a heed to repeated requests from Western governments to stop the offensive, allegations over massive human rights violations - mass murder of civilians, and most crucially, keeping large numbers of civilians, including women, children and senior citizens behind barbed wire, in what have been described as 'internment camps', where basic facilities are scarce, sanitation and health issues galore....

The government of Sri Lanka has also been criticized for not allowing international aid agencies into these camps (which the government call 'Welfare Centres'). International media organisations are also barred from the camps, unless authorized by the military establishment. In the last few weeks, news reports demonstrate a renewed concern of the government to address the issues affected internally displaced persons. We hear of releases of families, children and elderly people. Three ethnic Tamil doctors who were under custody are now back to work. A long way to go in ensuring the rights of the Tamil community, but one cannot deny the fact that the Rajapakse administration is working on it, albeit at a slow pace, as some would say.

One should not forget that the Rajapakse administration depends on a Sinhala hardline political party for its parliamentary majority. There can be groups within the administration who harbour strong Sinhala nationalist sentiments, and such views could affect government policy. This may explain any delays in addressing the post-war resettlement issues and the normalisation of the lives of the war-affected people of the North.

Reports from Sri Lankans heading home on holiday since May 2009 have confirmed that people tend to move around freely, without the pre-May 2009 fear of suicide bomb attacks and related violence. The share market in Colombo has been performing quite well, while numbers of tourists visiting the island are seemingly on the rise. Despite the EU's overtly expressed concerns over Sri Lanka, Sri Lankan authorities have succeeded in organizing a photographic exhibition on the end of the war, rehabilitation and resettlement projects, and related issues at the European Commission in Brussels.

Thinking about these very recent developments, it appears that Mr Kay's observations about Sri Lanka cannot be ruled out as the ramblings of a sceptic. Despite the widely levelled allegations, the government of Sri Lanka stands out as one of the only governments that can claim to have (at least for the time being- according to some critics of the government) ended a threat of anti-state terrorism. Nevertheless, I do not wish to make any judgement about Mr Kay's views, the Sri Lankan government or about Mr Obama's stroke of luck. It should not be forgotten that imprisoning a journalist for twenty years for supporting terrorism in a post-war context is not so acceptable. Yet, the point I wish to make is that Jonathan Kay's views seem to be shared by a large number of people across the globe, and the Nobel Peace Prize selection committee members ought to read Mr Kay's article. They should not stop at reading and considering the views expressed. Views of this nature ought to serve as an inspirational guideline in selecting future Nobel Peace Prize winners. Otherwise, the critically thinking and critically minded in this planet will be left with the only option of agreeing with Mr Kay's stance that the Nobel Peace Prize selection committee is like a panel of judges at a debating competition, where the best speaker is recompensed.

Obama and the Nobel Peace Prize???

  

Above: President Barack Obama, recipient of the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize (source: Young Politics blog)

President Barack Obama has been selected as the recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize for his extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples. While some people praise the decision and see it as an added incentive for President Obama to continue his constructive foreign policy, some others view it as an excessive recognition. While one cannot contest President Obama's contribution to reforming US foreign relations and international diplomacy as a whole, concrete achievements are still a far cry. The question that inevitably arises is: Is the Nobel Peace Prize meant to recognize concrete contributions to and achievements in the field of international peacemaking, peacebuilding and conflict resolution, or is it meant at acknowledging good intentions and constructive early efforts?

Answers to this question vary, and have already led to a good few interesting debates on the Nobel Peace Prize, Obama's international affiars and the contributions he can make to world peace. The British daily The Guardian carried an interesting article today, while I was also reminded of an article Dr Dayan Jayatilleka recently wrote about the role of President Obama in the international scene; he makes some thought-provoking observations about the increasing anti-US and anti-Obama sentiments among Sinhala nationalist hardliners in Sri Lanka.

Anyway, now that the most prestigious of awards has been awarded, let's congradulate President Obama on this superb achievement...

Peace,

Chaminda

Photo de la semaine/Snapshot of the week 1

Regard infini sur la ville, sous une ombre hivernale... (Source: collection personnelle)

Le Weblog de Chulie de Silva

J’ai découvert aujourd’hui un très bon weblog, géré par Mlle Chulie de Silva. Le nom a évidemment un air sri-lankais, et ce qui me passionne dans son blog, c’est la présence d’un très grand nombre de belles photos. Ce sont des photos prises aux quatre coins du Sri Lanka et ailleurs, et toutes les images détiennent une force extraordinaire d’embarquer l’internaute posé(e) devant son écran d’ordinateur dans un beau voyage à travers les mers.  Les photos de Jaffna, prises il n’y a pas longtemps, sont particulièrement touchantes. Chaque image parle pour elle toute seule…C’est à vous mes cher/ères lecteurs/trices de partir à la découverte de son univers pittoresque ! 

Inutile de dire que j'ai tout de suite ajouté Chulie à ma liste de blogs, que vous trouverez vers le milieu du menu à gauche de  la page web.

Interview: A conversation with Jeanette...

Right: Mrs Jeanette Warke, attending a three-day workshop at Lusty Beg, Co Fermanagh, Northern Ireland (photo: Personal collection).

Jeanette Warke is the Project Manager of the Cathedral Youth Club (CYC) at the Fountain Estate, Derry/Londonderry. The Fountain Estate is a Protestant/Loyalist neighbourhood in the Maiden City's predominantly nationalist-Catholic-republican Cityside, and the CYC is the main centre of reunion for young people in the Fountain Estate. Youth work has been a family affair of the Warkes for many years, and the services Jeanette renders to the community are invaluable. 

A prominent personality involved in many a community relations initiative in the North-West of Northern Ireland, Jeanette took a 'wee minute' off her busy schedule to chat to me about her career, how she started youth work and her future projects. Here's an edited version of the full interview with Jeanette:

      1.  Mrs Warke, many thanks for accepting to be interviewed. To begin with, could you tell us a little about your background, where you were born in, and what your early childhood was like?
            
      I was born in Belview Avenue Derry, on 11 Feb 1944. I have 2 brothers and a sister. I was born to a working class family. My father was a painter. My mother didn’t work; she stayed in the house and looked after the children. I went to Primary School in Bishop Street, and then I went to Templemore High School. After that, worked in a grocery store called Maypole. That’s where the Richmond Centre is now.

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Right: Jeanette at work: the Project Manager's office at CYC Londonderry (photo: personal collection)

      2.  During your high school days, did you show any interest in youth work or community relations work?      
  
      At that time, there was no such word as community relations. Everybody played together grew up together, and there was never a problem around religion.

     3. Could you tell me a word about your marriage? 
  
      Yes. I met David, my late husband, in my mid teens. We got married at St Coulomb’s Cathedral in June 1963.

      4. How did you develop an interest in youth work?

      In 1972, we were living in Mountjoy Street, off Abercorn road. That’s close to the Fountain estate and right down the interface now. We had to move to Newbuildings, on the Waterside. People were actually intimidated out of their homes. There was a big exodus from both sides of the city- Catholics who lived in the Waterside moving to the Cityside and Protestants in the Cityside moving to the Waterside. It was at that time that the Dean of Derry, George Good, asked David and I if we would like to start a youth club in the Fountain Estate.

      5. What would you describe as the primary incentives that motivated you to get involved in youth work?
  
A   At the beginning, we opened a youth club only on Friday nights. I saw how young people were enjoying themselves. I was so happy to see them having fun and, it gave them an alternative to joining paramilitary groups, which were very active at that time. I quickly became very interested in what David and I were doing.

      6.  In the late 60s and early 70s, how did you perceive the civil rights movement and the troubled situation in the city of Derry/Londonderry? How would you describe the impact such events had on your life?

      Well, we had to leave our homes. We had no civil rights to stay in our homes because of the civil rights movement. Both Protestants and Catholics, we were all in the same boat. We had no jobs; we all had outside toilets and no bathrooms. And then there was the ‘one man one vote’ system: everything depended on where you lived to make sure that your vote counts. If your vote wouldn’t count, you wouldn’t have got a house or nothing. You had to live in the right area to make sure that your vote was counted. It was a difficult time. I don’t think that it was only the Catholics who had problems. All of us working class people had so many problems.

      7.  At the outset, when your late husband took the initiative to create the Cathedral Youth Club in the Fountain Estate, what were your primary (i.e. initial) perceptions about the project?
      
             Well, we were a young family at the time. When David got involved in youth work, knew it would take up a lot of our time from your own children. That was while doing it only doing one night a week. We had no social life, as everybody would go out on a Friday night, whereas we had to be at the youth club.

      8.  How do you describe the role(s) you have played in the community relations sector in Northern Ireland?

      I do hope and believe that I have had a significant impact on the people, mainly by my efforts to bringing people together, and breaking a lot of barriers. I’ve done such activities with all age groups, with both the young and old.

      9. What, in your opinion, have been the major projects you were involved in?

      Working with the Claudy families of victims of Claudy blasts. Three car bombs exploded in Claudy (a village near Derry) on 31 July 1972, killing nine people including children. These innocent people were blown up by three car bombs set by the Provisional IRA. I was charged with the task of building a memorial for the dead. I organised a lot of events and ended up collecting 26,500 Pounds. The Claudy bomb victims memorial was erected in Claudy in 2000.

      10.  Which project do you consider as your favourite? Could you give us any reasons for this choice?

        Well… I love doing a lot of community relations work. I really like bringing people together. One of the groups I have set up is an Irish history group. It is composed Catholic and Protestant women, & we explore aspects of Irish history, especially the role of women. We’re working on our third book now. It is called ‘Women emerging from the shadows’. We try to show the importance of women’s roles in Irish history. The book will be published in March 2009. I’m also working on another interesting project. Young people from the Catholic areas and the Fountain Estate get together, to go and interview older people who lived in a different time. When they were young, they grew up together, and there were no sectarian barriers. I think that the life experiences of elderly people from that generation show today’s young lads how they co-exist with each other, and avoid violence. We’re going to publish a book of interviews and memoires called ‘Past the jail & camp; down behind the fountain’ in April 2009.

     11.  How do you describe the primary challenges you have faced as a community relations worker?

      Well… the challenges to me were….sometimes you know when a project is up and running, there are sectarian attacks, which will take you back to square one again. This can result in setbacks, and times can be difficult. The main way to manage such situations is by focusing on my goals and keeping the projects going.

      12.  What kind of measures or strategies have you employed over the years to overcome such challenges?

      Persistence. I am always optimistic and I never give up. I’ve learnt to face challenges and not to take things personally.

      13.  How did you perceive the signing of the Belfast Agreement in 1998? It is widely regarded as a milestone in the challenging road to peace in Northern Ireland. What are your perceptions? Did the Agreement and subsequent developments have any positive impact on your own work?

       Well, indeed when it was singed we were full of hope, we were looking forward for peace, But that promise of peace didn’t last for long, and we felt led down by the politicians. The last few years have been very negative, with up and down developments ….its been negative. People in Derry have strong will power, and they do want peace. We’ve no baggage; people want to get on with their lives. They don’t want to get back to the Troubles again.

      14.  Today, as a Project Manager of a youth club and as a senior figure in the community relations scene, what kind of progress do you notice with regards to inter-communal coexistence? 

      Well, I can see that people now, women in particular are very keen to work together and move on. And they prioritise what’s important for us:  selling the City to the tourists, getting more jobs and opportunities. We don’t get hung up in the name of the City. We want to get more jobs, sell our city to tourists and make this a better place. There are more amenities coming to the city. We have lots of potential, so there’s no time to waste holding on to past grudges. Peoples’ attitudes are indeed changing. That’s a very good sign.  

      15.  What can you say about the attitudes of young  people towards sectarianism?

      Young people are very hard to work with, Especially the 10 to 14 age group. I find the older ones are starting to see that they need jobs, and once they have a job and a stable income, they tend to leave sectarianism behind them. It all depends on what age they are. A lot of work has to be done with young people. Most definitely, if we can get them motivated and get them jobs, there will be fewer problems with the older lads.

      16.  So you think that if prompt measures are taken to develop more opportunities for upward social mobility for the young people across the sectarian divide, we can keep the youth away from sectarian violence?

        Most definitely, yes. That’s what we need.

1    17. Looking back at your career, how do view your contributions to facilitate inter-group and inter-communal coexistence and reconciliation?

      I would hope that I’v been able to make worthwhile achievements.  I’m able to work with everybody….yes….I’m able to work with everybody; I have worked with Protestants, Catholics, Chinese, Iranians and so many different groups. As long as you’re open and honest with people, and respect each other and their culture, all goes well. I don’t have any hang-ups. I always say that people need to have a lot of respect for each other. I was brought up to respect people. My parents reared me like that.

1   18.  When talking about mutual respect and understanding, can you say a word about your relations with Her Exellency An Uachtaráin na hÉireann ?

      Certainly. President Mary McAleese has visited the Cathedral Youth Club. It was she who unveiled the memorial stone of David Warke, my late husband and founder of the Youth Club. I see her as a fantastic person, I like her values, and I think she has very fair policies. She is a woman, and she understands the situation in the North, and I find her very intelligent. I have taken a lot of groups to Áras An Uachtaráin. I’ve taken different groups of people there, including a group of women from the Fountain Estate. I’ve also taken young people from the Cathedral Youth Club.  We first went to Dublin and met with young people from Ballyfermott, Dublin and we all went to Áras {An Uachtaráin} together. It was a fantastic weekend that really helped change perceptions of young lads from here {the Fountain Estate} about sectarianism and violence.

     19.  What are your aspirations for Northern Irish society? Do you believe that the sectarian divide could be successfully bridged (in other words, could Northern Irish society become a non-sectarian and inclusive society in future)?

      Well to be honest I don’t know; its very far down the road yet. A lot of work is to be done yet. There’s a lot of trust to be built. This is not easy. It will definitely take a very, very long time. Willingness from small groups or one section of society is certainly not enough. Every sector in society has to work hard to reach this goal. It’s a collective thing you see….

      20.  On a personal note, do you have any specific career goals or plans?

      Plans for me? Retirement! I would love to retire and to go to France and walk about all the battlefields {in Messines, on the border between France and Belgium}. I take groups there every year and I’ve been doing that for the past 8 years. I find it so moving. People realise how futile war is.  It’s such a waste of life and so many stories are yet to be told. It’s too many lives lost for nothing.

      21.  How supportive have the members of the Warke household been in your community relations initiatives? What kind of support do you get from them?
      

      Left: Alan Warke, Jeanette's eldest son, is a full-time youth worker at CYC (photo: Personal collection)

     Well, David and I always worked together. If not we could not have come this far. It was much easier doing it all together. We supported each other. We had the same interests. All our children were brought up in the youth club environment and they have always supported the work. They are better kids for that. They have no hang-ups and they have catholic friends, and friends from different ethnic and religious backgrounds. They are broadminded, and good citizens. At the moment, two of my sons, Alan and Graeme are working as full-time youth workers with me.  
   
      Peace,

      Chaminda

Photos de la semaine/Snapshots of the week

Let the photos speak for themselves...photo credits: Personal collection. Please refrain from reproduction without prior authorization.

Fight against sexual violence in conflict situations

This is one of those hotly debated controversial issues...and what I would describe as the most devastating of all imaginable war crimes. Many military bodies have been accused of rape, especially against women and children, during times of armed conflict.

Incidents of this nature have a lasting negative impact on the lives of victims, and no court case, no war tribunal no judicial judgement can help eradicate that. It is the responsibility of those in power at local, regional, national and international levels to initiate strict measures and take prompt action to prevent sexual violence in conflict and post-conflict situations.

An article published on the same issue in the Sri Lankan daily The Daily Mirror received a good few reader comments. The article was about Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's recent statement on sexual violence during armed conflict, made at the UN. Mrs. Clinton mentions Sri Lanka and several other states as places where sexual violence has occurred and continues to occur. Many Sri Lankan readers are strongly critical of the statement, noting that the Secretary of State forgets to mention sexual violence perpetrated by elements of the US military throughout the last century and in the recent past (i.e. Vietnam, Gulf War, Iraq...). In terms of arguing and debating, both sides do have a point, but when dealing with an issue of this nature, we need to put our ideological standpoints aside. Sexual violence is a crime that requires universal condemnation and extremely tough penalties. Wherever it happens, it is thoroughly unacceptable and people must unite against sexual violence against the most vulnerable: women and children caught up in armed conflict.

Photo de la semaine/Snapshot of the week

Berlin Wall Memorial Monument, Bernauerstrasse, Berlin (photo credits: Weerawardhana personal collection - PLEASE REFRAIN FROM UNAUTHORIZED REPRODUCTION)

A 'New Look' to Conflictresearch???

As Conflictresearch is just a few months away from its fourth year of existence, a decision has been made to change its structure and content. The objective is to make it more comprehensive, consistent and informative to those interested in Peace and Conflict Studies, especially students (undergraduate, postgraduate, and research), young professionals and young activists.

The 'new look' will be developed over the next few months, and will include regular monthly items, comprehensive information on peace and conflict-related events and more. You may also have noticed that the majority of the (case-specific) present content is devoted to Sri Lanka and Northern Ireland, and this again will change. Over the last few months, some of the articles published on Conflictresearch included scathing critiques, especially of the 'just war' strategy of Sri Lanka's Rajapakse administration. The 'just war' was indeed justified by a number of undeniable factors, including the failure of a number of past negotiation efforts, and the resumption of hostilities by the LTTE. The latter was an extremely hardline organization, with very little inclination for constructive political negotiations and lobbying - hence the peoples' mandate to President Rajapakse, whose presidential campaign was explicit about a firm strategy when dealing with the national question.

The critiques of the last phases of the war, made by many including myself, have largely been interpreted as musings of 'traitors' and those who offer their implicit support to terrorism. This is an extremely deplorable misunderstanding, which requires prompt correction.

Such critiques are of the utmost importance, as criticism, i.e. constructive criticism and contrary viewpoints need to be heard in a democratic system of government. Especially in the context of a relatively weakened parliamentary opposition, it was upto members of civil society to engage with government policy from a critical perspective. Such critical views can only enrich government policy, and provide further food for thought. By no means do they represent an attempt at endorsing separatism, supporting separatist terrorism or any related anti-state activity.

As far as Conflictresearch is concerned, it is my view that Sri Lanka has now entered a 'post-conflict' situation, where priorities are different. As Dr Dayan Jayatilleka, Sri Lanka's former Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva has observed today (22/09/2009), Sri Lanka is brought to play a different, post-conflict battle; this time, it is the battle of developing and maintaining a positive, highly appreciated image of Sri Lanka in the international community. It goes without saying that in order to reach this goal, well-planned, concrete action has to be linked with utilizing the best foreign policy expert and specialists in the country. Such individuals can indeed be found in the Cabinet of Ministers, the Sri Lanka Foreign Service, among the large number of Sri Lankan academics teaching in prestigious universities across the globe, and in the wider Sri Lankan Diaspora.

It is also important for Sri Lanka to constructively engage with the Sri Lankan Diaspora, irrespective of ethnic, religious or any other considerations. The LTTE, or Tamil separatism is today an ideological movement with a global scope, given its presence in many metropolises. In dealing with that ideology, it is essential for Colombo to launch a constructive dialogue with the Tamil Diaspora, particularly the youth. These youngsters are all multilingual, bi-national and represent the quintessential citizens of the Global Village of our times. But unfortunately, they are also fed on rather narrow readings of the Sri Lankan question, which are largely influenced by what they hear around them, through their friends and families (and the media...).

One thing I understood crystal-clearly while teaching last year, was that there is a great deal of 'bonne volonté' among young people in the Diaspora, especially the Tamil Diaspora. To a substantial degree, they represent a group of young people who harbour a feeling of affection towards Sri Lanka, their land of origin, a willingness to go down, and play a role in the rapidly transforming and developing Sri Lankan society. Unfortunately, doors for such engagement tend to be firmly shut due to a number of reasons. One such reason is the prejudices they tend to harbour against the Sinhalese-dominated Sri Lankan government. As far as Colombo is concerned, Diaspora youngsters tend to be viewed with caution, given possible links to Tamil separatist, militant and terrorist entities - thereby posing a threat to national security. Despite such barriers, the Sri Lankan government needs to elaborate creative plans to actively incorporate the Diaspora youth in post-conflict Sri Lanka's socio-economic, cultural and political revival. If the government could be appreciated by Diaspora youth (of the Tamil community) it will be an extremely spectacular and highly worthwhile achievement.

In the months to come, Conflictresearch will strive to actively engage with individuals from different walks of life, and develop a new strategy of 'conversing' with people, and bringing such conversations to the attention of the wider public. Sri Lankan politician Milinda Moragoda's media engagements (available on his website) provide an inspirational example. Conflictresearch definitely has a long way to tread to reach the standards of Minister Moragoda's outstanding work, and the objective is to take slow but steady steps towards creating a better weblog, which will be more interesting, informative and thought-provoking for its readership.

Peace,

Chaminda